South African engineers Frik Potgieter and Peter Huxham, detained for more than two years on what their families have long called “trumped-up” charges, arrived home on Saturday night after receiving a presidential pardon from Equatorial Guinea.

The men landed at Lanseria Airport, where International Relations and Cooperation Minister Ronald Lamola welcomed them and phoned President Cyril Ramaphosa so that he could speak to them.

Their release marks the end of an ordeal that began when they were arrested on 9 February 2023, just days after a South African court seized the luxury yacht and two Cape Town properties belonging to Equatorial Guinea’s vice-president, Teodoro Nguema Obiang Mangue, in a business matter.

Huxham, a dual British-South African citizen, and Potgieter, a South African, had been working in Equatorial Guinea for more than a decade on oil and gas vessels for Dutch company SBM Offshore. They were about to fly home after a five‑week contract when they were detained and charged with drug trafficking.

According to the families, no credible evidence or witness testimony was presented during their June 2023 trial. The men were handed 12-year prison sentences and ordered to pay $5 million each in damages, despite their sealed, combination-locked luggage was only opened by authorities five days after their arrest.

The United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention intervened in July 2024, issuing a formal opinion declaring the men’s detention “illegal and arbitrary” and calling for their immediate release.

Arbitrary detention is a violation of international human rights guarantees, including the right to liberty and security of a person as set out in the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.

While imprisoned in Mongomo, a facility reserved for political prisoners, their physical and mental health deteriorated. While they were still incarcerated, family spokesperson Shaun Murphy said Potgieter had a sleep apnoea machine but needed parts for it and, although they had received medication it had run out and more had to be sent through SBM Offshore, which sells systems and services to the offshore oil and gas industry, or the consulate.

Huxham and Potgieter had last seen their families in December 2022 and were granted only five brief phone calls while in prison.

Their families launched an international campaign for their release, making emotional pleas for clemency and urging the South African government to intervene. In response, international diplomats, parliamentarians and organisations such as Hostage International added their voices to the call for the men’s release.

The families thanked those who worked behind the scenes, including SBM Offshore, the South African and British governments, international diplomatic partners, legal teams and civil society organisations.

They specifically thanked former International Relations and Cooperation Minister Naledi Pandor and her successor, Lamola, who both travelled to Equatorial Guinea as special envoys of Ramaphosa.

“We are overwhelmed with relief and joy. The last two years and four months have been unimaginably painful for both of our families. Today, we are finally able to say: Frik and Peter are safely back home,” Murphy said.

“Their return home is the result of collective efforts over many, many months, and we are deeply grateful to everyone who played a role in securing their freedom.”

In a statement at the weekend, the international relations department said the government acknowledged the complexity of the matter, including its sensitive diplomatic and legal dimensions. 

“The government of South Africa remains committed to strengthening bilateral relations with Equatorial Guinea and reaffirms its dedication to constructive engagement, mutual respect, and the resolution of challenges through diplomatic channels,” it said.

A rapid review suggests that there has been a significant shift in the strategic priorities on African affairs and global health policy that have been pursued in formal engagements by the majority members of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee (SFRC). 

Over the first 160 days, the formal engagements of the majority members were not as strongly aligned with the strategic priorities of countering global health threats and strengthening democratic institutions as they were with the strategic priorities of ending regional conflicts, realigning US foreign policy, promoting human rights, countering the diplomatic engagement of malign actors and countering the predatory practices of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). 

That is a curious finding. It means that those formal engagements were not perfectly aligned with the strategic priorities for SFRC engagement on African affairs and global health policy that were declared by the relevant subcommittee chair during the first 160 days of either the last session or the current one. 

In turn, that raises a number of follow-on questions of policy relevance. One is whether there is partisan agreement on the strategic priorities for African affairs and global health policy among the majority members. Another is whether there is bipartisan agreement that the promotion of human rights should be a strategic priority among the majority and minority members. Media outlets and think tanks should seek to provide answers to those questions.

Strategic priorities

A rapid review shows that there were significant changes in the strategic priorities for African affairs and global health policy that were declared by the respective chair of the SFRC Subcommittee on Africa and Global Health Policy within the first 160 days of the current session versus the last one.

Current session

At the start of this session, the current subcommittee chair articulated six strategic priorities for engagement. In the press release following his appointment, Senator Ted Cruz announced that he was committed to a strong hearings schedule and oversight agenda that would seek to bridge the artificial divide that exists across geographic regions. Specifically, he declared that the subcommittee would focus on five strategic priorities. They included countering the diplomatic engagement of malign actors, countering the predatory practices of the CCP, countering security threats posed by international terrorist organisations, protecting freedom of navigation in the vicinity of the Red Sea, and mitigating illicit activities of those seeking to exploit financial systems. 

A few weeks later, Cruz held a roundtable with the ambassadors of 19 independent states on the African continent. At that meeting, he not only reiterated that the subcommittee would focus on the predatory practices of the CCP (for example, the Belt and Road Initiative). He added that the subcommittee would focus on a sixth strategic priority: ensuring reliable access to energy and critical minerals resources. 

Last session

In the prior session, the former subcommittee chair articulated a very different set of strategic priorities for engagement. In the press release following his appointment, Senator Corey Booker declared that the subcommittee would focus on the strategic priorities of promoting human rights, countering global health threats, boosting trade and economic investment, strengthening democratic institutions, and increasing cooperation on non-traditional security challenges (for example, climate change and food insecurity). To counter global health threats, Booker stressed that the subcommittee would focus on issues related to pandemic preparedness, immunisation expansion, and reauthorisation of the President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (Pepfar). In the US Strategy toward Sub-Saharan Africa, the Biden administration had declared that it was a national security priority for the US government to address the artificial bureaucratic seams that exist between North Africa and sub-Saharan Africa. But Booker made no mention of that national strategic priority.

Committee engagement

A rapid review of the hearings, chair press releases and subcommittee chair press releases shows that there was a similar level of SFRC majority engagement on African affairs and global health policy over the first 160 days of the current session versus the last one.

Committee hearings 

In the current session, the SFRC held two committee hearings that were specifically focused on African affairs and global health policy. The first took place on 13 May 2025. It was a full committee hearing on East Africa and the Horn of Africa. The second took place on 4 June 2025. It was a subcommittee hearing on China’s malign influence in Africa. That hearing built upon an earlier full committee hearing on the malign influence of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) at home and abroad. That earlier hearing took place on 30 January 2025. In addition to those committee hearings, the committee held fourteen nomination hearings. None were for US ambassadors to independent states on the African continent.

In the last session, the SFRC held two committee hearings on African affairs and global health policy over the same period. The first took place on 19 April 2023. It was a full committee hearing on Pepfar. The second took place on 10 May 2023. It was a full committee hearing on the Sudanese civil war. There was also a subcommittee hearing on US relations with Tunisia. That took place on 26 April 2023. It was held by the Subcommittee on Near East, South Asia, Central Asia and Counterterrorism. In addition to those committee hearings, the committee held eight nomination hearings. Unlike the current session, nine were for US ambassadors to independent states on the African continent (Cabo Verde; Djibouti; Ethiopia; Niger; Nigeria; Rwanda; Sierra Leone; Uganda; Zimbabwe).

Committee majority press

In the current session, the SFRC majority press featured six official statements on African affairs and global health policy. The first was an official statement on the Sudanese genocide determination. It was released on 7 January 2025. The next three were on Sudanese sanctions, the M23 campaign (Democratic Republic of the Congo), and African peacekeeping operations accountability. They were followed by the chair’s official remarks at the full committee hearing on East Africa and the Horn of Africa. The last was an official statement on the proxy conflict between Rwanda and the DRC. It was released on 23 May 2025. 

In the last session, the SFRC majority press also featured six official statements on African affairs and global health policy. The first was an official statement on Nigerian elections. It was released on 9 February 2023. The next two were official statements on Rwandan political persecution and the Sudanese civil war. Those were followed by the Chairman’s official remarks at the full committee hearings on Pepfar reauthorisation and the Sudanese civil war. The last was an official statement on the murder of U.S. government employees in Nigeria. It was released on 17 May 2023. 

Subcommittee chair press

In the current session, the press for the subcommittee chair featured three official statements on African affairs and global health policy. The first was an announcement that Cruz would serve as the subcommittee chair. It was released on 3 February 2025. That was followed by an official statement on a congressional roundtable with African ambassadors. The last was an official statement on a new Bill to abolish the United States African Development Foundation (USADF).

In the last session, the press for the subcommittee chair featured five official statements on African affairs and global health policy. The first was on Nigerian elections. It was released on 24 February 2023. The next was an announcement that Booker would serve as the subcommittee chair. That was followed by official statements on the M23 campaign (DRC) and the Sudanese civil war. The last was on the Ugandan Anti-Homosexuality Act. It was released on 8 June 2023.

Analytic synthesis

A synthesis of the research findings suggests that there has not been a perfect match between the formal engagements of majority members and the strategic priorities declared by the current subcommittee chair over the first 160 days of the current session. Generally speaking, those formal engagements have not been strongly aligned with at least two of the strategic priorities declared by Booker during the first 160 days of the last session (that is, countering global health threats; strengthening democratic institutions). They have been more aligned with:

• One of the strategic priorities declared by Booker during the first 160 days of the last session (protecting human rights).
• Two of the strategic priorities declared by Senator Cruz during the first 160 days of the current session (countering the diplomatic engagement of malign actors; countering the predatory practices of the CCP).
• Two issues that were not declared to be strategic priorities by either Senators Booker or Cruz during the first 160 days of their respective sessions (realigning US foreign policy; ending regional conflicts).

That raises follow-on questions of policy relevance. One is whether the historic pursuit of nomination approvals significantly impacted the strategic priorities that were pursued on African affairs and global health policy during the first 160 days of the current session. Another is whether there was partisan collective agreement on the strategic objectives for African affairs and global health policy among the majority members during the first 160 days of the current session. Yet another is whether there was bipartisan agreement that the promotion of human rights should be a strategic priority for African affairs and global health policy among the majority and minority committee members during the first 160 days of the current session.  If so, then that raises the question of why the current subcommittee chair did not declare the promotion of human rights to be a strategic priority in response to domestic political concerns. Of course, there are many others. For example, why did the current subcommittee chair not declare eliminating trade deficits, increasing US exports and investment in Africa, and driving mutual prosperity to be top-level strategic priorities? Commercial diplomacy was highlighted in the testimony of the senior bureau official for the Bureau of African Affairs in the US department of state, Troy Fitrell, at the subcommittee hearing on China’s malign influence in Africa.

Beyond the synthesis, the rapid review suggests that the current organisational structures of the SFRC subcommittees and State Department bureaus may not be optimised for the achievement of the current strategic priorities for African affairs. Like last session, there are hard jurisdictional boundaries drawn between North Africa affairs and sub-Saharan Africa affairs. Those probably impede the bridging of the artificial divide that exists between North Africa and sub-Saharan Africa in African affairs. Moreover, there are blurred jurisdictional boundaries drawn between African affairs and global health policy. That may have made sense when countering global health threats was one of the strategic priorities for African affairs. However, it makes less sense now that countering global health threats has been downgraded as a strategic priority for African affairs.

Research limitations

The scope of the rapid review was exploratory in nature. As one would expect, it follows that there are several important limitations that merit consideration.

First, the rapid review only critically examined a subset of the formal engagements on African affairs and global health policy by the majority members. Missing formal engagements include draft legislation and staff delegations. Their inclusion could have a significant impact on the research findings. There was draft legislation on African affairs and staff delegations to African countries during the first 160 days of the current session.

Second, the rapid review did not critically examine informal engagements on African affairs and global health policy by the majority members. Missing informal engagements included social media posts. Their inclusion could have a significant impact on the research findings. There were majority leadership posts on African affairs on social media during the first 160 days of the current session. Moreover, social media was a major platform for engagement. As evidence, the SFRC Chairman’s recent social media post on the ties between Kenya and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) attracted over 650,000 views.

Third, the rapid review only critically examined one period of time. That could have had a significant impact on the research findings. There were intervening events that took place over the first 160 days of the current session. One was a change in administration. Another was the majority leadership decision to pursue a historical number of nominee approvals in the first 100 days. Those events almost certainly had a significant impact on the background context. For that reason, the research findings could have been different if another period of time had been selected (for example, first 100 days of the new administration).

There is therefore a clear and present opportunity to improve the general knowledge about the engagement of the SFRC on African affairs and global health policy by way of future research that is designed to address these research limitations.

Michael Walsh is a visiting scholar at the Center for Middle Eastern Studies at the University of California, Berkeley. Ambassador (Ret) Charles Ray is a member of the Board of Trustees and chair of the Africa Programme at the Foreign Policy Research Institute.

Poor sub-soil drainage is a leading cause of progressive structural failure. Sub-soil drainage – the removal of excess water from the soil beneath structures – is an often-overlooked but critical factor in maintaining the stability of buildings, roads and other infrastructure. This press release explores how inadequate sub-soil water management can contribute to damage, and includes insights from peer-reviewed research and real-world case studies.

Durban’s geotechnical and climatic vulnerabilities

Durban’s subtropical climate is characterised by high annual rainfall (over 1 000mm/year) concentrated in the summer months. Its undulating topography, expansive clay soils (notably the Berea Red Sands) and rapid urbanisation further exacerbate drainage challenges. These factors create a natural predisposition for water accumulation around and beneath structures, particularly in low-lying or poorly graded areas.

According to Brink and Bruynzeel (2018) in the South African Journal of Geotechnical Engineering, the high plasticity of Durban’s clay-rich soils means they are especially sensitive to moisture fluctuations. When wet, these soils swell; when dry, they shrink – leading to differential settlement under structures. Over time, this can cause cracks, slab deformation and even foundational failure.

Mechanisms of structural damage from poor sub-soil drainage

Hydrostatic pressure on foundations and retaining walls

When sub-soil water is not drained effectively, hydrostatic pressure builds against subsurface structures. In Durban’s Glenwood area, several residential retaining walls have failed following sustained rainfall, where poor drainage led to lateral water buildup. This pressure can displace retaining walls, push basement walls inward and cause foundational uplift – especially in structures without weep holes or sub-soil drainage mats.

Research insight: A 2019 paper in the Journal of Performance of Constructed Facilities found that 42% of retaining wall failures in wet climates are due to inadequate drainage systems.

Capillary rise and rising damp

In areas like Berea and Musgrave, where older homes were built with shallow foundations, poor sub-soil drainage has led to widespread rising damp. This occurs when groundwater moves upward through the masonry via capillary action. Without damp-proof membranes or adequate drainage, internal wall surfaces become saturated, leading to blistering paint, mould growth and timber decay.

This is particularly problematic in historical Durban properties, where retrofitting for damp-proofing is complicated by preservation requirements.

Soil erosion and piping

In high-slope developments in areas such as Kloof and Westville, water that flows uncontrolled beneath pavements or retaining structures can initiate soil piping – an internal erosion mechanism where fine particles are carried away by flowing water. Eventually this can lead to sinkholes, cracking and the collapse of surface structures.

Expansive soil movement

Expansive clays found in parts of Umlazi and Ntuzuma expand and contract with moisture content. In dry conditions, these soils shrink, causing structures to settle unevenly. In wet conditions, swelling puts upward pressure on foundations. Without sub-soil drainage systems such as perimeter drains, moisture control becomes nearly impossible.

Study reference: Van der Merwe and Weeks (2015) demonstrated that in KwaZulu-Natal, 60% of foundation problems in low-cost housing were linked to expansive soil movement, exacerbated by poor site drainage.

Real-world example: Durban North apartment collapse (2021)

In March 2021, an apartment block in Durban North experienced partial structural failure after several weeks of heavy rain. Post-incident investigations by the eThekwini Municipality revealed that sub-soil water had accumulated behind a retaining wall with no weep holes or French drain system. The hydrostatic pressure eventually caused wall failure, which undermined the building’s foundation.

This highlighted a broader issue in eThekwini: the lack of enforced regulations requiring engineered sub-soil drainage systems in older developments.

Preventative engineering solutions

1. Sub-soil drainage systems

These include:

• Perforated PVC piping systems (French drains)
• Geotextile-wrapped drainage aggregates
• Vertical drainage composite sheets
• Subsurface soakaways or attenuation tanks

In Durban, municipal infrastructure upgrades have begun to include such systems under new roads and retaining structures to extend service life and prevent washouts.

2. Site-specific geotechnical investigation

A pre-construction geotechnical survey can identify drainage risks. For instance, areas with high clay content or a shallow water table can be engineered using reinforced foundations, controlled fill and proper drainage.

3. Regular maintenance of existing systems

Blocked drainage pipes, clogged weep holes or poorly sloped landscaping can render even well-designed systems ineffective. In several cases across Hillcrest, scheduled maintenance of stormwater systems has prevented structural water ingress in high-rainfall months.

South African legal framework and guidelines

In South Africa, SANS 10400 Part H (Foundations) and Part R (Stormwater Disposal) regulate aspects of drainage. Compliance is often inconsistent, especially in informal or older developments. Durban’s building inspectors have noted that poor drainage detailing is one of the top five compliance failures during foundation inspections.

The National Home Builders Registration Council (NHBRC) requires that new dwellings incorporate effective drainage systems and that geotechnical conditions be considered in the foundation design. Non-compliance could void insurance claims in case of structural failure.

Conclusion

Poor sub-soil drainage is not just a nuisance – it is a serious structural hazard. In water-rich regions like Durban, where rainfall and clay soil predominate, inadequate drainage is directly linked to costly failures. Engineers, architects and developers must prioritise site-specific water management strategies to prevent structural damage.

Through proper geotechnical assessment, installation of robust drainage systems and adherence to legal frameworks, many of these failures can be avoided. As Durban continues to urbanise, sustainable drainage planning must form the cornerstone of resilient infrastructure design.

Johannesburg’s vibrant music scene is set to come alive with the much-anticipated “Jazz for Young People” festival, presented by the Standard Bank Joy of Jazz. This unique event, scheduled for July 26, 2025, at the National School of Arts (NSA) in Braamfontein, promises a full day of world-class jazz, family fun, and a powerful celebration of youth, creativity, and community spirit.

A Festival by Young People, for Young People

“Jazz for Young People” is more than just a concert, it is a movement designed to nurture the next generation of jazz lovers, musicians, and entrepreneurs. Running from 9:00 AM to 6:00 PM, the festival is curated with young audiences in mind, offering a platform for budding jazz artists to showcase their talents and for young entrepreneurs to access new opportunities.

The event is also a fundraiser, with all proceeds supporting the National School of Arts. This initiative aims to empower young artists and sustain the vital role of arts education in South Africa, ensuring that the country’s rich artistic heritage continues to thrive.

Star Power and Mentorship: Zoe Modiga Leads the Way

One of the festival’s most exciting features is the involvement of NSA alumna and award-winning singer-songwriter, Zoe Modiga. Known for her soulful voice and innovative approach to jazz, Modiga will not only headline the festival but also lead a special roadshow in the weeks leading up to the event. She will visit several participating schools, mentoring students and helping them polish their performances for the big stage.

This mentorship initiative is designed to inspire and empower young musicians, giving them invaluable guidance from an industry leader and ensuring that their performances on festival day are nothing short of spectacular.

An Eclectic Lineup Showcasing Young Talent

The Jazz for Young People’s concert lineup is a testament to the depth and diversity of South Africa’s young jazz talent. Attendees can look forward to performances by:

• Biko’s Manna – a renowned sibling trio celebrated for their dynamic stage presence.
• Iphupho L’ka Biko – a crossover jazz band blending traditional and contemporary sounds.
• NSA Band featuring Zoe Modiga – bringing together the school’s top musicians with Modiga’s star power.
• Khutlo Tharo Jazz Band, Sibikwa Marimba Band, East Rand School of the Arts, Morris Isaacson School of the Arts, Parktown Girls Marimba Band, Springs Boys High School, Tshwane School of Music, and Willow Crescent Magnet School of Music Band – representing the best of Gauteng’s youth ensembles.
• TheRealDJ Zandy – headlining as the selector of the day, ensuring the energy stays high between live sets.

A Day for the Whole Family

“Jazz for Young People” is designed as a true family affair. Beyond the music, the festival will feature a dedicated kids’ zone with inflatables and fun games to keep younger attendees entertained throughout the day. Art enthusiasts can explore an exhibition of jazz-inspired artworks created by NSA students, offering a visual feast that complements the sounds on stage.

No festival experience is complete without great food, and this event delivers with a variety of food stalls serving up delicious, succulent dishes to suit every palate.

Building Community Through the Arts

Festival Producer and T-Musicman CEO, Mantwa Chinoamadi, highlights the event’s broader mission: “Jazz for Young People is a wonderful opportunity to bring families and communities together through the universal language of music. Our goal is to celebrate the rich heritage of jazz while nurturing the next generation of artists and fans who will carry this legacy forward.”

By supporting the NSA and fostering a love of jazz among young people, the festival aims to ensure that South Africa’s musical legacy remains vibrant for generations to come.

Event Details at a Glance

• Date: 26 July 2025
• Time: 9:00 AM – 6:00 PM
• Venue: National School of Arts, 17 Hoofd Street, Braamfontein, Johannesburg
• Tickets: R50 (children under 12), R80 (adults/general admission)
• Booking: Quicket

Whether you’re a jazz aficionado, a parent, an educator, or simply looking for a joyful day out, “Jazz for Young People” invites everyone to join in celebrating the future of jazz and the power of community. Don’t miss this unforgettable family festival, secure your tickets today!

Money troubles breed resentment in a relationship – especially when one partner thinks they’re getting a raw deal.

Chloe, a 27-year-old from London, is on the business end of this imbalance, struggling to work out the best way to split bills with her boyfriend who makes more money than she does.

While she thinks it should be based on their incomes, he believes it’s only right to go right down the middle. So who’s right?

In this week’s Metro’s Money Problem, personal finance journalist and consumer champion, Sarah Davidson, offers her perspective.

The problem…

I’ve been with my boyfriend for three years and we rarely ever fight, but are currently at an aggravating stalemate about money.

Although he makes £60,000 a year and I make £39,000, we both put the same amount towards rent (£900 each a month) and bills (normally around £300 each a month) which I think is unfair.

That £1,200 eats into my disposable income way more than it does for him, so by the time I’ve paid for travel and food and everything else, there’s so little wiggle room to save.

I suggested splitting things proportionally based on our incomes – 40/60 instead of 50/50 – but he dismissed it outright, saying he’s not rich either so why should he ‘help me out’. He’s not normally tight-fisted or mean with money, and it’s making me question whether I’m being greedy. I need a voice of reason to tell me the truth.

The advice…

Dear Chloe,

As someone who lived in London for almost 20 years, I really, really feel your pain.

Your question gets to the very heart of the financial nightmare facing your generation – both you and your boyfriend are on seriously decent salaries, but after paying your rent, living and travel costs there’s essentially nothing left at the end of the month to save.

Make no mistake, we’re building a very serious social timebomb here. Those in their 20s and 30s today will have been unable to put away enough to fund their retirements. To make matters harder, it’s likely they won’t own their own place outright so they’ll still need to fork out rent or mortgage repayments each month on top.

The full state pension is currently just shy of £12,000 a year. Try paying your current rent and bills on that.

What this shows is just how vital it is that you and your peers do start saving as much money as possible as early as possible. That you have recognised this in your 20s does you credit.

Now, to your personal conundrum – should your boyfriend pay more towards rent and bills than you because he earns more?

Your logic says yes: in theory, it would mean you can both save the same proportion of your income towards a house deposit if you want to buy together or for your retirement.

His logic argues no: it’s his salary and even though it might be more than yours, it’s not like he’s got bucketloads left over at the end of the month either.

So let’s look at the maths. His take home pay is around £3,700 a month. Yours is around £2,650.

After rent and bills, he’s left with £2,500 and you’ve got £1,450. Typical London commuting travel costs come in around £315 a month each and food might be around £250 each. This leaves him with around £1,935 a month to spend or save and you with £885.

You’ll both also have to cover other expenses such as eating out and socialising, presents for family, other travel costs, clothes, electricals and more, which can really add up.

I can see why you’re frustrated. But you’re thinking about the fact he has more spare cash and could afford to pay more of the rent and bills. He’s thinking about the fact that you and he both live in the same flat, use the same lights in the same rooms, cook dinner together on the same hob, both shower and wash up.

You and he use the flat 50/50 and that’s why you split the cost of it 50/50.

Think of it like you’re out for dinner: your boyfriend orders steak and red wine while you have a side salad and tap water, yet he demands you split the bill 50/50 – fair? No.

Relationships and money are really complicated and someone normally ends up worse off. That’s just the way it is. Managing it means compromising, and that’s something only you and he can agree on.

To help you, maybe have a think about things like this.

It’s unlikely that you and he will want to make a decision about splitting the rent based on ‘what if we get married, have kids or divorce years from now’. But you can and probably should have a conversation about what you want to save for.

• If it’s something you both want to do together for both of your benefits – such as buying a house together – maybe agreeing to save the same amount each month might boost what you’re putting away.
• If it’s general saving for yourself, I’m afraid it’s probably not your boyfriend’s responsibility to support your living expenses so you can build up a nest egg for a future that might not include him.

In summary – I think your boyfriend’s right on this one.

If you want to save more (which I applaud) then you have few options: get a better paying job, move somewhere less expensive, or cut back on your other spending.

It’s not fair. But nor is life.

Sarah Davidson is an award-winning financial editor and head of research at WPB.

Got a money worry or dilemma? Email sarah.davidson@metro.co.uk

Being South African can be depressing sometimes. The tremendous highs of our world-beating rugby and cricket teams show what we can do. But our economy doesn’t grow, mass unemployment continues, our cities decline and we continue to live in constant fear of crime. The lack of political will to take on and solve even our most basic problems is depressing.

But, on the global stage, our government has emerged as the most principled international actor in the face of the ongoing genocide in Gaza. Now that Israel has extended its rampage into Iran, international law is under sustained assault from Israel and its backers in the West and their local proxies here at home. The urgency of the crisis generated by Israel’s impunity is rapidly escalating. 

As Zane Dangor, the courageous and deeply principled director general of the department of international relations and cooperation, recently observed, Israel’s attack on Iran “places the world in grave peril”. That peril has now escalated following the US bombing of Iran.

South Africa’s decision to file a case against Israel at the International Court of Justice in December 2023 marked a bold and brave assertion of international law by a Global South country, rooted in South Africa’s own history of apartheid and its constitutional commitment to human rights. The court later found that South Africa had presented a plausible case and ordered Israel to take immediate measures to prevent acts of genocide, placing legal and moral pressure on Tel Aviv and its allies.

South Africa’s approach to the court resulted in intense pressure from the United States and the strident and often hysterical pro-Western lobby at home, a lobby that has frequently floated conspiracy theories for which it can provide no evidence. For this lobby, Israel is an outpost of the (white) West and is therefore entitled to engage in the mass murder of civilians deemed to be part of the barbarous (and not white) hordes outside the West.

Principled critics of Israel and the wider West have repeatedly been slandered as antisemites or dupes of Russia or China. South Africa’s approach to the International Court of Justice was said to have been made as a result of a bribe paid to the ANC by Iran. No evidence has ever been produced to support this wild allegation. 

But while the pro-West lobby at home damages the integrity of our public sphere and has seriously damaged the credibility of parts of our media, the real threat to South Africa came from the US. BizNews is irritating but the US government has real power to damage our country and its people.

This is one reason why the formation of The Hague Group on 31 January 2025 was such an important breakthrough. It brought together nine states from the Global South — Bolivia, Colombia, Cuba, Honduras, Malaysia, Namibia, Senegal and South Africa — with the aim of implementing binding legal and diplomatic measures to hold Israel accountable for its persistent violations of international law. It was a significant step forward in the defence of international law and it meant that South Africa was no longer isolated on the world stage.

Now, in a pivotal development, this coalition will convene an Emergency Ministerial Conference in Bogotá, Colombia, on 15 and 16 July 2025, at the ministry of foreign affairs. The meeting will be co-hosted by South Africa and the progressive government of Colombia, led by Gustavo Petro.

A particularly significant development is that a large number of foreign ministers and senior officials will attend from far beyond the founding members of the Hague Group. Governments from across Asia, Africa and Latin America have confirmed their participation. This signals that the coalition in support of Palestine and international law is growing, not only in moral stature, but in geopolitical weight. The meeting is becoming a focal point for a much wider movement of Global South states, along with some others, ready to act against impunity and in defence of international law.

The Bogotá meeting is not just symbolic — it has a detailed and operational agenda. As stated in the joint announcement, the Emergency Ministerial Conference will “centre the legal obligations of states, as determined by the Advisory Opinion of the International Court of Justice (July 2024), to stop all actions that assist in the maintenance of the illegal situation created by Israel in the Occupied Palestinian Territory” and to support full Palestinian self-determination. 

Attendees will also work towards the announcement of further “concrete actions to enforce international law through coordinated state action — to end the genocide and ensure justice and accountability”.

The Bogotá meeting will be a significant turning point in international diplomacy. It will assemble ministers and high-level delegations from across Latin America, Africa and Asia to forge a united front. Central to the agenda is enforcing rulings from the International Court of Justice and International Criminal Court — notably the former’s July 2024 advisory opinion finding Israel’s occupation illegal and the latter’s November 2024 arrest warrants for senior Israeli officials on war crimes charges.

For the first time in the post-Cold War era, Global South governments are organising not only around development or trade, but around justice and accountability at a global scale. This isn’t solely about Palestine; it’s about defending the idea that human lives everywhere have equal worth and that all states are answerable under law. This is a direct challenge to the idea that Israel and the US should continue to be granted impunity for their illegal actions.

To sustain the momentum, the Hague Group is building political infrastructure — rotating co-chairs, permanent liaisons and a follow-up secretariat. This will not be a one-off summit; it’s the beginning of a durable movement for justice enforcement.

We must not be naive, though. There will be backlash. At home, Tony Leon will write a sneering opinion piece. BizNews will circulate more conspiracy theories. Frans Cronje will issue dark warnings of the economic costs of thinking for ourselves. Peter Fabricius will write a story about some senator in the US threatening to isolate us economically. William Gumede will say that we need to “reset” relations with Israel. There will be another Western funded pseudo-academic study claiming that South Africans are critical of the West as a result of Russian and Chinese disinformation.

But all this noise is not the real issue. The real issue is that building principled solidarity among countries in the Global South is a direct threat to the impunity of Israel and it will be met with a vicious backlash carried out via the media and various international institutions. 

We cannot back down in the face of the genocide and ongoing warmongering by Israel, backed by the US, Germany, the United Kingdom and other Western countries. We need to build solidarity across the Global South and with countries in the West willing to take principled positions against genocide and warmongering and for peace, justice and international law.

South Africa is taking the lead on this and, working with the progressive government in Colombia, is making a major intervention in international relations. Here, our government is doing the right thing — and we should say so clearly, while not letting up on our criticism of its broader failures.

Dr Imraan Buccus is senior research associate at ASRI and research fellow at the University of the Free State.

When Dion George took office nearly a year ago as the minister of forestry, fisheries and the environment, he did so as part of a new chapter in South Africa’s democratic journey — the formation of the government of national unity (GNU).

George, who was sworn into office on 3 July under the coalition President Cyril Ramaphosa put together after his ANC lost its outright parliament majority — said serving in this government “has required all of us to work collaboratively – sometimes across vastly different perspectives — toward a common goal: delivering real outcomes for the people of South Africa”. 

In a media briefing to assess how his department has fared over the past year, George said the GNU has created a situation where departments are increasingly working across silos, “where ideas are strengthened through debate and collective intelligence”, and where the urgency of service delivery is matched by a “shared will to get things done”. 

This week analysts said the GNU  had delivered desperately needed political stability, but economic transformation and governance reform remained distant goals.

George said his department had approached its work “with a recognition that our environmental mandate is not separate from the economic one, or the social one. They are deeply interconnected.”

Protecting natural resources, wildlife

Among George’s “big six” priority areas is protecting natural resources and wildlife. Here, he cited his department’s significant achievement regarding the protection of the critically endangered African penguin. 

“After learning about the sharp population declines and the human impacts causing them, I called for open, lawyer-free discussions that brought together conservation organisations like BirdLife South Africa and Sanccob [Southern African Foundation for the Conservation of Coastal Birds, industry leaders in the fishing sector and our departmental experts,” he said.

This collaborative approach led to a court-ordered agreement to implement island closures around key breeding colonies.

“We amended the small pelagic fishery permit conditions to enforce these closures, ensuring sustainable fishing near vital penguin habitats,” he said.

These changes were implemented almost immediately.

His department is also tackling the harm caused by bunkering in Algoa Bay, near St Croix Island, once home to the largest African penguin colony in the world. Ship-to-ship refuelling has caused oil spills and underwater noise pollution.

After a temporary pause on bunkering activities in 2023, there was a “small but promising recovery” in the penguin population. The minister said he would soon sign new regulations into law that place strict limits on bunkering in ecologically-sensitive areas.

A coordinated approach has led to prosecutions and a continued decline in rhino poaching incidents, with George noting his department’s attention is also turning to species such as pangolins and abalone. The domestic trade of rhino horn, lion bone and lion parts is also being tackled. 

“The lives of these animals are not commodities. They are a vital part of our ecological and cultural identity,” he said.

George said his department’s efforts were showing that jobs can be created, new industries stimulated and growth unlocked, “while caring for the planet”.

He noted that in the fourth quarter of last year, the agriculture, forestry and fishing sectors recorded a “remarkable” 17.2% growth, contributing two-thirds of the total GDP growth for that quarter. In the first quarter of this year, these sectors grew by 15.8%. 

“These are not just numbers,” he said. “They reflect thousands of jobs and livelihoods sustained. We increased the number of fish species available to small-scale fishers by 36%, boosting income in coastal communities.”

The department’s harbour revitalisation programme has created more than 2 300 work opportunities while through expanded support for sustainable aquaculture, “we’re seeing green technology spark new enterprises along our coasts”. 

George said the recent floods in KwaZulu-Natal and Mthatha in the Eastern Cape are only the latest signs that the time for talk regarding climate change is over. This is why the department finalised the climate change response plan for coastal adaptation. This plan guides how the department  supports vulnerable municipalities and people facing rising sea-levels and extreme weather conditions.

The department secured conditional emissions exemptions for Eskom’s operations under the minimum emission standards. 

George said these were not blanket waivers. “Each exemption comes with firm conditions, including health interventions for affected communities, real-time emissions monitoring, and a firm commitment to transition to cleaner energy sources. We are holding polluters accountable.”

The department is working with the presidency and the department of mineral resources and energy to develop a competitive power market, “bringing independent power producers into the fold. The goal is clear: to deliver both energy security and environmental sustainability.”

South Africa has contributed to international environmental governance, and continues to lead. George said it played a major role in negotiating the High Seas Treaty — the first legally binding instrument to protect biodiversity in areas beyond national borders.  

At the last climate summit in Baku, South Africa “brokered a deal that balanced the need for ambitious climate action with the reality of our economic conditions”, he said, adding that this agreement unlocked green investment for local projects that will support South Africa’s just energy transition.

“And in our G20 Presidency year, we are hosting major environment and climate sustainability meetings, positioning South Africa as a leader on the African continent and beyond. These engagements not only strengthen our global voice but also attract investment and expertise.”

George said another of his key focus areas has been making his department’s systems more efficient, transparent and responsive. It had launched the regulatory efficiency strategy for environmental turbocharge, a set of reforms to speed up approvals for energy and infrastructure projects, “while still protecting the environment”.

His department had identified 11 renewable energy development zones where significantly simplified environmental impact assessments had reduced approval times from 300 days to 147. 

“For lower sensitivity areas, we’ve introduced fast-tracked authorisations that can be processed in around 70 days,” the minister said. 

The new national web-based environmental screening tool is “already helping developers identify low-impact sites for projects, streamlining planning and protecting biodiversity”.

Since his appointment, George has finalised 162 environmental appeals, “106 of them since our 100-day feedback session”, which is a “testament to our commitment to fairness, transparency and turnaround times”.

Although the department is operating in a constrained fiscal environment, it has launched a departmental spending review and implemented firm cost-containment measures. 

“But, more importantly, we have begun thinking creatively about revenue generation,” he said. “Each branch of our department is tasked with identifying savings and new funding streams.”

This includes sourcing international donor support for enforcement and anti-poaching, innovative financing mechanisms for green projects and working with the treasury on sustainable budget models. 

The minister said the South African Forestry Company or Safcol, SANParks and the South African Weather Service are receiving strategic attention to address governance weaknesses and boost their effectiveness. 

“We also celebrated the achievement of a clean audit at iSimangaliso Wetland Park — a symbol of what good governance can look like across our sector,” while flagship projects to elevate the country’s environmental brand, improve delivery and stimulate economic opportunity have been initiated.

George said the department is finalising the national carbon credits and biodiversity offsets framework, which will allow companies to “offset emissions responsibly”, while directing funds into conservation and community development.

If you ever stood at the base of the Carlton Centre and craned your neck to take it all in, you’ll understand why its decline is one of Jozi’s most significant urban losses.

Rising 223 metres into the Joburg skyline, the Carlton Centre Tower was once the tallest building in the Southern Hemisphere. At the time it was nicknamed “Africa’s Skyscraper”. But today, it’s a relic of a time when Johannesburg dreamt bigger than anywhere else on the continent.

Construction on the Carlton Centre began in the 1960s, led by architects Gordon Bunshaft of SOM (Skidmore, Owings & Merrill) and local firm Rhodes, Harrison, Hoffe and Partners. Funded by Anglo American and South African Breweries, it was a marvel of its time.

Completed in 1973, the tower soared 50 floors above Commissioner Street. At its peak, it wasn’t just a place of business, it was the beating heart of high society, finance, retail and luxury accommodation. The building was so vast that it held more than 53 000m2 of lettable retail space and 68 000m2 of office space. It even had an ice-skating rink, the Sky Rink, on the 20th floor, which was later converted into a film studio.

But the Carlton Centre wasn’t just one building; it was a complex. Its better-known component was the Carlton Hotel. Or should I say hotels. There were three. Not many people are aware of each hotel’s history.

Excavations for the original Carlton Hotel began in 1898 but construction had to halt when the South African War broke out the following year. Construction by Barnadot-Joel Mining Company resumed in 1903, and the Carlton Hotel opened its doors on 16 February 1906. This was a highly anticipated event on the social calendar of the time. 

I learned something that many Joburgers do not know in the book Johannesburg Then and Now by Marc Latilla.

This hotel was designed by the architectural firm TH Smith in collaboration with architect William Leck. They developed a three-level basement (a first for development in Johannesburg at the time) that included a Turkish bath and a marble swimming pool. The retail area featured numerous shops catering to the hotel’s guests.

Measuring 43  500m2, it was six storeys tall, consisting of 199 hotel rooms distributed across five floors. Each room was equipped with air-conditioning, central heating, a central vacuum cleaning system, waterborne sewage, emergency power and a private telephone.

The hotel struggled and went up for auction in 1922. In 1936, the Carlton Hotel’s new owner, Isidore W Schlesinger, renovated the hotel and added a ballroom along with three new storeys. Sadly, in 1964, the Carlton Hotel was demolished by the owner’s son, John Schlesinger, to make way for new developments. 

Today, on the corner of Eloff and Commissioner streets, we see the African Life Centre building. This building was completed in 1970 and designed by Monty Sack.

The modern Carlton Hotel that is at 150 Commissioner Street has 31 floors with 663 rooms. It opened its doors in 1972. It quickly became the go-to hotel for visiting dignitaries, celebrities and heads of state.

The third Carlton hotel, Carlton Court, was a plush 66-room annexe built in 1982 as a later addition to the Carlton legacy. It was connected to the central hotel across the road by a skybridge. Each suite came with its own jacuzzi, and the building featured an exclusive, members-only restaurant.

Carlton Court is a continuation: a later chapter in the evolving story of the Carlton brand, guided by the same international hotel operator of the modern Carlton hotel, the Western International Hotels. It closed in 1998. 

Back to the modern Carlton Hotel that we know. Nelson Mandela often stayed there, and he delivered his ANC election victory speech in the ballroom. The guest list is a who’s who of global names: Hillary Clinton, Chris Barnard, Harry Oppenheimer, Margaret Thatcher, Whitney Houston, Mick Jagger, Michael Jackson, Naomi Campbell, John Lennon and Yoko Ono.

Its international status allowed people of all races to mix freely on the premises, no small feat in apartheid South Africa.

Its restaurant, Three Ships, was legendary. The hotel was running at a loss and closed in 1998 because of low occupancy rates caused by the decay of Johannesburg’s city centre. Its contents were sold to the Protea Hotel in Gold Reef City, where a replica of the original restaurant exists. But nothing can ever truly recreate the magic of the original building.

The Carlton Hotel was a symbol of prestige. Its underground parking alone had 2  000 bays. And through a retail tunnel beneath Commissioner Street, it was seamlessly connected to the Carlton Centre’s shopping arcade, which had more than 180 shops.

Despite its grandeur, the complex couldn’t escape the gravitational pull of the declining city centre. She rose, she sold, and then there was silence. 

By the late 1990s, the area around the Carlton Centre had become riddled with crime and neglected. The glamour of downtown had drifted north to Sandton and Rosebank. 

Anglo American, which had become the sole owner after buying out SAB’s stake, sold the entire Carlton Centre Complex to Transnet in 1999 for just R33 million. To put that into perspective, the building had cost R88 million to construct back in the 1970s, and today its estimated replacement value would be more than R1.5 billion.

The hotel remains closed. The tower and retail sections are operational, but not at full potential. 

There have been murmurs over the years about converting the complex into affordable housing or reviving the hotel as a casino, but nothing has ever materialised. A casino plan, by a Malaysian investor group, fell through because of the failure to secure a gambling licence.

And so, the doors have stayed shut. The ballroom silent. The rooftop deserted.

As someone who writes often about capital growth, yield and reinvestment potential, the story of the Carlton Centre is to me a stark reminder of a universal truth when it comes to the importance of location in real estate. More than building height, more than marble finishes, more than celebrity footfall, the surroundings of your investment will directly affect its potential for capital growth.

A property, no matter how grand, is only as strong as the community, infrastructure and economic ecosystem that surrounds it. That’s where the Carlton Centre got left behind. The Johannesburg city centre, once vibrant and cosmopolitan, fell victim to urban flight, municipal neglect and rising crime rates. As the city expanded northward, investment followed. Sandton, in particular, exploded with new developments, better infrastructure, security and a perception of safety. That shift in energy starved Joburg’s centre of the oxygen it needed to remain competitive.

Buildings like the brutalist Carlton were left to age. This isn’t only about a building, it’s about urban decay, poor governance and the missed opportunity of repurposing legacy infrastructure. It’s about the cost of letting history go.

The Carlton Centre was more than a landmark, it was a monument to ambition, design excellence and what South Africa could achieve when it bet big on itself. It is a loss for the landscape of Jozi. That’s what makes its current state feel so tragic. We didn’t just lose a luxury hotel, we lost a piece of collective identity.

Imagine if the top floor, with its full 360-degree panoramic view of Johannesburg were turned into a world-class restaurant, art gallery or sky bar. Imagine a revitalised Carlton Hotel reimagined for a new generation of travellers and infused with culture, heritage and style. Imagine a retail arcade filled with proudly South African brands, artisans and makers. The surrounding area would need to speak the same language. 

I visited the top of this tower on the 50th floor many years ago. Seeing the City of Gold from this 360-degree view was an overwhelming experience. A city full of promise. The view from Jozi’s tallest towers are always a humbling and exhilarating experience. It’s now a bittersweet memory.

We often speak about property in terms of numbers: yields, square metres, price per square metre. But buildings also carry emotions. They’re woven into our memories. And few buildings in South Africa have played as big a role in our public imagination as the Carlton.

Have you ever visited the Carlton Hotel? Attended an event at the ballroom? Shopped in the underground mall? Please email me with your memories; I’d love to hear your stories.

Ask Ash examines South Africa’s property, architecture and living spaces. Continue the conversation with her on email (ash@askash.co.za) and X (@askashbroker).

I did not have the privilege of testing the Volkswagen (VW) Tiguan before it won the award for the best family car at the 2025 South African Car of the Year awards. 

The one thing I could see was the impressive design the new Tiguan has been given. It looked way more confident than the previous generation as VW dumped the traditional radiator grille for a very neat LED strip across the front of the vehicle. 

It looked more aggressive, but still held the traditional value of the older Tiguan. 

When I received the vehicle on test, I took a look around and noticed that the LED strip across the back almost makes the front and back of the vehicle symmetrical. 

This is a really cool touch from VW because the front and back of the vehicle blend the exterior together extremely well. Some manufacturers usually put a lot of effort into a bold and aggressive front, but often leave the back of the vehicle plain and boring. 

Interior

The Tiguan means business on the inside. It looks and feels comfortable from the second you get into the vehicle. 

The premium feel of the interior pushes excellence.

The new ergoActive Plus leather seats with pneumatic four-way lumbar adjustment and a pneumatic 10-chamber pressure massage function are a perfect match for the high-quality character of this SUV. These leather seats are optional on the Life derivative but come standard on the R-Line derivative.

My recommendation is to take them, especially if you drive long distances like I do. Nothing hits better than the “circles” massage that the seats offer. The large and comfortable leather seats are also heated and cooled. 

The dashboard is stylish and comes with a fully digital instrument cluster and an infotainment screen that can be 12.9 inches or 15 inches depending on what you choose. 

The infotainment system is extremely responsive and user friendly. There are also stylish climate and volume touch sliders just below the infotainment system that are convenient but also aesthetically pleasing. 

My favourite part about the interior is the driving experience dial located in the centre console, which is a unique touch from VW. It looks like a volume dial on the surface, and it is, but if you press it, it allows you to select your driving mode or change the atmosphere in the cabin to fit your mood. I was always feeling energetic when driving the Tiguan, so that option applied to me. 

The only downside of the interior was the storage unit. The cupholders are hidden and it was just difficult to get my coke can out while driving. 

In terms of space, the Tiguan remains generous. Both the front and back are spacious and comfortable. The boot also gains an extra 37 litres from the previous generation and now has a capacity of 652 litres. 

The drive

The Tiguan we had on test was the Life derivative that has a 1.4 turbocharged petrol engine and delivers 110kW of power and 250Nm of torque. 

VW has also just released a 2-litre turbocharged petrol and diesel variant of the Tiguan.

That is certainly enough power, but it is also important to remember that this is not a performance SUV. Rather, it is the ultimate family cruiser. 

It provides a smooth, quiet and elegant drive. 

On the N12 and R21, this car was a dream to drive. The handling was effortless, the suspension was solid and the engine and cabin insulation provided a beautifully refined drive that allowed me to enjoy all the comfort and technology inside the car. 

It got even better when I looked at the fuel consumption. VW claims 7.6 litres/100km, but I managed 6.7 litres/100km. 

There was a point on the open road where I was averaging 5.8 litres/100km. 

Safety

Tiguan has received a 5-star safety rating from Euro NCAP. This rating signifies excellent overall impact protection and a good level of standard safety features.

The new Tiguan comes standard with Park Assist Plus. Park Assist Plus is a system that is already familiar from other Volkswagen models: it allows assisted driving into or out of parallel or bay parking. The Volkswagen models take over control of acceleration, braking and steering for this purpose.

Verdict

There’s a reason the Tiguan beat contenders such as the impressive Jaecoo J7 and Mini Countryman to the family car of the year award. 

It offers tremendous features, pleasant comfort and an exceptional drive. 

A Tiguan  will cost you from R651 500, going all the way up to R834 400.

VW has pushed the third generation Tiguan into a more premium category while still managing to remain affordable. 

In a world where all the value for money looks like it is coming from Chinese manufacturers, the new Tiguan offers a refreshing option for those who still love German engineering. 

Pricing

Tiguan 1.4 TSI 110kW DSG                             R651 500

Tiguan Life 1.4 TSI 110kW DSG                       R702 800

Tiguan R-Line 1.4 TSI 110kW DSG                  R766 300

Tiguan 2.0 TDI 110kW 4M DSG                       R755 700

Tiguan 2.0 TSI 140kW 4M DSG                       R834 800

The Baic Beijing X55 quickly became a favourite after its release in 2022. 

It was crowned the winner of the compact family car category at the South African Car of the Year awards in 2023 and also received the 2023 Readers’ Choice Award from Top Gear South Africa. 

Besides being a truly attractive vehicle, it offered some really cool features such as the pop-out door handles that have become common now, a tonne of advanced safety features and also had a beautiful drivetrain with a 1.5 litre turbocharged engine paired to a 7-speed dual-clutch automatic transmission that delivered 130kW of power and 305Nm of torque. 

Baic decided to expand on the success of the Beijing X55 in the third quarter of 2024 by releasing the Beijing X55 Plus, which includes sharper exterior styling and updated technology.

The upgraded model comes with “Sporty Blade” alloy wheels (18-inch or 19-inch) and features a revised rear diffuser, home to a set of double exhaust tailpipes, while still maintaining the overall aggressive look of the vehicle. 

The interior gets a pair of leather bucket seats in the front and a spacious and comfortable back that offers enough headroom and legroom for adult occupants. 

The dashboard has a real sporty feel to it and completes the interior magnificently. 

There is also a 10.25-inch digital instrument cluster and a 10.1-inch touchscreen infotainment system with Easy Connection, which allows users to mirror their smartphone screens for seamless access to apps and entertainment.

This is where I was slightly inconvenienced by this vehicle. The Beijing X55 Plus does not come with Apple CarPlay and Android Auto. Sure, these features are not a deal breaker, but at the same time it makes life so much easier when driving, especially because of the connection most of us now have with our smartphones. 

The Easy Connection service offered in the Beijing X55 Plus does mirror the phone screen to the infotainment system, but it does not allow you to use the screen to navigate around things like Google Maps or Spotify. You still have to use your phone. 

The infotainment screen also felt a touch unresponsive at times. Again, it is not a deal breaker, but because every setting is located in that infotainment screen, it becomes slightly inconvenient. 

However, that is about as bad as it gets. The Beijing X55 Plus has a sophisticated voice control system that is extremely responsive. It can be activated by simply saying the words “Hello Baic”.

I didn’t try it out at first, but I was at a complex and the security guard who was checking my licence decided to try it out. Before I knew it, he had opened the windows and the sunroof. 

When driving the Baic Beijing X55 Plus, it is slightly punchy, but extremely smooth and it has enough power on the open road, great handling and terrific suspension. 

The MacPherson strut front suspension and a multi-link independent rear suspension is said to be inspired by Mercedes-Benz technology, reflecting a partnership Baic has with the German carmaker in China.

Baic has claimed a fuel consumption of 7.7 liters per 100 kilometres. I managed just over 8 litres per 100 kilometres.

Baic has also not compromised on any safety features in the Beijing X55 Plus. 

It comes equipped with a 540 degree 4D transparent chassis panoramic view camera and active driver aids such as blind spot detection, intelligent cruise assist, lane keep assist, autonomous emergency braking and forward collision warning.

Pricing and verdict

The Baic Beijing X55 is available in three variants: the dynamic priced at R469 900, the elite priced at R509 900 and the premium priced at R514 900. 

The upgraded X55 Plus really still offers value for money. The drivetrain is probably one of the best from the Chinese manufacturers in the compact SUV segment, but the infotainment system is something that is integral to your experience in the vehicle and just feels inconvenient at times. 

All Baic Beijing X55 Plus models come with a five-year/150,000km warranty and five-year/60,000km service plan.