After the United States Agency for International Development (USAid) abruptly terminated billions of dollars’ worth of overseas aid grants, the health system in central Mozambique was left in tatters. Earlier this year, I travelled to two badly hit provinces of the country to describe the toll.

In one article, I reported how thousands of orphaned and vulnerable children in Sofala province had been abandoned by their USAid-funded case workers. Many of these children are HIV-positive and had relied on case workers to bring them their medicines or accompany them to hospitals. Without them, some children stopped taking their treatment and died.

In a second piece, I reported how USAid had cut funding for contractors transporting medicines and diagnostic tests to health facilities in Manica province. This led to shortages of HIV drugs at hospitals in the area, which also led to the deaths of children.

In the midst of all this chaos, I was often curious to know from people on the ground who they held accountable for this situation and who they believed needed to solve the problem. My assumption was that they would call for the Mozambican government to help them out.

I was surprised to find that in the affected villages I visited, this was far from anyone’s expectation. For most, it was simply unthinkable that their government could do anything to save them.

“You mentioned the government,” one community leader said after I asked whether the state should intervene. “But even these chairs we’re sitting on are stamped with USAid logos. So what help can we expect from the government?”

The more I learned about governance in Mozambique, the more understandable this attitude became. Throughout the country, core government functions have been outsourced to a combination of foreign governments, aid agencies, interstate bodies and private companies.

For instance, many of the country’s essential medicines are procured by a large international financing body, the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria. Until January, the transportation of these medicines to hospitals was overwhelmingly financed by US aid agencies, as were the pay cheques of many health workers.

Outside of the healthcare sector, the story is similar.

The main highway I travelled on was built and paid for by Chinese corporations and banks. To keep hydrated I relied on bottled water supplied by private companies because the taps either didn’t run or produced contaminated water.

In many of the impoverished rural settlements, there was virtually no state infrastructure, and people received no financial support from the government. Instead, they primarily depended on aid organisations.

The country’s national budget has historically been heavily supplemented by foreign bodies, including the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and European Union, though much of this support was suspended in 2016-17.

Even national defence has been partially outsourced.

When Islamist militants began rampaging through the northern province of Cabo Delgado, the government struggled to contain it and contracted Russian and South African mercenary groups. When that failed, they authorised a military intervention by the Southern African Development Community and invited a parallel mission by the Rwanda Defence Forces.

It is thus no surprise that Mozambicans have virtually no expectation that their government will come to the rescue when facing an emergency. Instead, they look outward. As one community leader in a rural village told me, “Here, we depend on Trump.”

Cash-strapped and corrupt

Mozambique has 35 million people. About 2.5 million live with HIV, the second highest HIV-positive population in the world after South Africa. Life expectancy is well under 60. 

Eight in 10 people live on less than three dollars a day.

The government is deeply cash-strapped. The South African government spends 10 times more per citizen than the Mozambican government does. A large chunk of its spending goes towards paying off debt.

Mozambique simply doesn’t have the money to build an effective health system, though had it spent its limited budget reserves more effectively over the years it could have developed a health system that was at least a bit more independent of donor support.

Instead, the country’s budgetary resources have often been wasted on corruption. Mozambique ranks 146th out of 180 in the world on Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index. This has directly played a role in its public health woes.

One clear example of this is the Tuna Bonds scandal, in which state-owned companies took out $2 billion of loans, backed by secret state guarantees. This was supposedly to finance large fishing and maritime security projects. In reality, much of the money was siphoned off to enrich political elites, including the then-finance minister, who is now in prison.

As a result of those decisions, the country was swallowed by debt. And when the extent of the corruption was publicised in 2016, the IMF pulled its financial support for Mozambique.

A detailed 2021 report found this directly led to a fall in economic growth and government spending. It states: “Comparing the three-year average of 2016-18 to the three previous years, spending on health and education fell by $1.7 billion — entirely due to the debt.”

The country’s governance crisis is further demonstrated by the political unrest that engulfed the country after the October elections last year, triggered by accusations of election fraud. The accusations were probably overblown, but international observers said the election was not free and fair.

Even during the brief one-week period I spent in central Mozambique, signs of corruption and mismanagement filtered into my interactions with officials.

For instance, before I embarked on a multi-day tour of one province, government officials told me that someone from the provincial health department would need to accompany me on my trip. This was apparently to make formal introductions to district-level officials that I hadn’t asked to meet. For this apparently vital service, the man would need to be paid a per diem of roughly R500 a day for two days, they said.

The civil servant in question was a very senior person in the provincial health department. Despite facing a collapsing health system in the wake of the US cuts, he was apparently ready to drop everything he had going for the rest of that week to follow me around.

When I explained that I wouldn’t pay a government official to stalk me, I was told that saying no wasn’t an option. This is unfortunately the way things are done around these parts, said a local who helped arrange the tour. Neither GroundUp, Spotlight nor I paid the bribe.

US responsibility

Against this backdrop, it is no surprise that defenders of the current US government have often resorted to arguments about moral responsibility when justifying the decision to abruptly slash aid. It is reasonable to ask why the American taxpayer should bear any of the brunt of Mozambique’s public health system when so many of its problems have been caused by the Mozambican government itself.

But it’s not so simple.

The Mozambican civil war from 1977 to 1992 destroyed the country. The anti-communist Renamo insurgency probably received millions of dollars of support from US evangelists, despite committing numerous atrocities. It is strongly suspected that the US government also materially supported Renamo. So the US’s involvement in Mozambique has not been innocent. It could be argued that its aid spending was the least the US could do to make amends for its role in the war.

Moreover, Mozambique didn’t develop its high level of dependency in isolation. For more than two decades, the US actively took responsibility for core functions of the country’s health system. Until January, the US government continued to sign numerous contracts with local organisations, pledging millions of dollars to help run life-saving health programmes for years into the future.

The health system was consequently built around these commitments.

If the US was going to take that much responsibility for the wellbeing of some of the world’s most vulnerable people, then it had a duty to at least provide notice before pulling the plug. Instead, it chose to slash the funds instantly, and in a manner that needlessly maximised damage and confusion.

Stop-work orders were issued overnight, which required that people who were doing life-saving work down their tools immediately. Organisations decided to adhere to these instructions rigidly in the hope that their funding would be reinstated. At that point the Trump administration said it was only pausing aid funding pending a review, and no one wanted to give the reviewers a reason to terminate their programmes.

The consequence was complete chaos.

Orphaned children in extremely rural parts of Mozambique waited for their case workers to bring them their medicines, but often they simply never came. Many of these children had no idea why they had been abandoned.

When certain case workers decided to defy the stop-work order and continue their work voluntarily, they had to do so in secret.

To add fuel to the fire, the Trump administration routinely provided contradictory information to its former recipients and to the public.

The initial executive order signed in January said all foreign development assistance would be suspended for 90 days, pending a review, and might be restored after this time.

Then US Secretary of State Marco Rubio issued a waiver stating that the suspension wouldn’t apply to life-saving humanitarian services. He told the public that organisations providing these life-saving services could instantly resume their work under this order.

Yet the organisations themselves received different instructions from their USAid officers. Rather than immediately continuing their work, they were told to submit revised budgets that only covered life-saving services and to wait for approval.

Organisations rushed to submit these budgets by the deadline. But in the end, the green light never came and their funds remained frozen. This was not only the case in Mozambique; researchers estimated that virtually no funds were released under Rubio’s waiver globally.

In the meantime, Rubio stated that organisations that hadn’t resumed life-saving activities were clearly unable to understand instructions or were simply trying to make a political point.

Later on, the organisations received explicit termination notices, ending their programmes.

Despite this, US embassies and several large media outlets continued to reference Rubio’s order as if it was actually implemented en masse. Even as I write this, the on-again, off-again US aid story is unfinished.

This mixed messaging created an enormous amount of confusion for staff of these organisations and the recipients of their work, ultimately for no clear benefit to the American people.

There was simply never any reason to act this callously toward health organisations to whom USAid had pledged its support. In contrast to the rampant corruption that has plagued the Mozambican government, these organisations were heavily audited to continue receiving funding.

The work they were doing was clearly making a material difference to some of the poorest people on Earth. In the far-flung settlements that I visited, villagers told me about how their lives had been transformed by these organisations. Many were only put on life-saving HIV treatment because of them.

Whatever arguments one may want to advance about the importance of self-sufficiency and national responsibility, none of this justifies the US government administering the aid cuts in such a callous and confusing manner.

This story was originally published by GroundUp

Audi expanded its popular Q3 range in September 2024 to include diesel variants that have two-litre turbocharged diesel engines and some mild upgrades. 

The German manufacturer also revealed the new generation Q3 in June, which will go on sale in Europe later this year and in South Africa in 2026. 

The Mail & Guardian had the outgoing Audi Q3 35TDI Sportback Black Edition on test for a week and it was the perfect appetiser to get us ready for the new Q3. 

The Q3 Black Edition is an attractive car from the outside. We had it in pulse orange, which might not work on other vehicles but really allows the external features of the Q3 to burst into life. 

The black exterior mirror housing and blacked out badges also make the vehicle pop a little bit more than the regular TDI and TFSI variants. 

The drive

It’s difficult to fight German engineering when it comes to drivetrains. 

The Audi Q3 35TDI variants are no different. The two litre turbocharged engine is tied to Audi’s seven-speed S tronic dual-clutch transmission and pushes out 110kW of power and 340Nm of torque. 

The Q3 features a MacPherson strut front suspension and a four-link rear axle with separate spring and damper arrangement. Audi drive select also allows the driver to adjust the suspension for different driving modes. 

The engine, gearbox and the suspension make the drive capable and comfortable. It also feels extremely smooth and the high torque figure makes overtaking very easy. 

Travelling along various highways in Gauteng, and as comfortable as I was driving this vehicle, it was also a lot of fun to drive. 

Because of the compact nature of the Q3, the bendy highways were a breeze and allowed me to express myself. 

Audi claims a fuel figure of 4.9 litres/100km. I managed 5.5 litres/100km, but also had to endure some terrible traffic on the N1 which didn’t help that figure at all.

I was really impressed. 

I was even more impressed when I saw that the new Q3 will feature an improved suspension and a diesel plug-in hybrid that will provide 119km full electric driving range. 

The new Q3 will also be available in an all-wheel-drive variant. 

Interior and safety

The interior had the sporty feel that you would expect from the Audi Q3 Black Edition, but there were certain aspects that I felt needed work. 

For starters, Apple CarPlay and Android Auto were only available on a wired connection, so I had to make sure that I dragged my USB into the vehicle at all times. 

The only other complaint I had is the vehicle lacked atmosphere on the inside. For such a sporty and compact looking vehicle, the interior felt plain. 

But I will give Audi props for keeping buttons below the infotainment system and making it simple for the driver. 

The sport steering wheel and sport seats make the interior extremely comfortable as well. 

After seeing the interior of the new Q3 that is coming next year, I have no worries that Audi has intentions to make that interior more exciting and with nicer dash and door materials, even more drivercentric and more technologically advanced. 

The old gear shift will also be updated to make the cabin more pleasing to the eye.

In terms of safety, the Audi Q3 has an array of features such as a rear-view camera, parking aid plus and six airbags. 

Verdict and looking forward

The outgoing Q3 was really about a seamless driving experience that also included fun dynamics, but I felt the interior of the vehicle did not keep up with the vibrant exterior. 

The incoming Q3 looks like it does a much better job at matching the interior and exterior and is likely to be an exciting prospect for South Africans.

The current Audi Q3 is priced from R740 100 and the 35TDI Sportback Black Edition that was tested comes in at R934 050.

The fourth industrial revolution (4IR) has become a byword for transformation. As entire industries and social norms shift beneath our feet because of artificial intelligence (AI), so too does the very concept of employment. 

Less than a decade ago, employment structures were largely rigid, characterised by fixed hours, physical workplaces, and clearly defined responsibilities. The Covid-19 pandemic catalysed a dramatic break from this paradigm. In 2020, the world was forced into a remote-first mode, revealing the limitations of traditional employment models. This transformation, as Oluwaseun Kolade and Adebowale Owoseni term it, has ushered in “Employment 5.0”, an evolving reality that continues to redefine how, where, and by whom work is done.

To grapple with the legal implications of this shift, we must first understand how the scope of employment — that is, the range of activities an employee is expected to perform — has evolved. Remote work, hybrid arrangements, platform-based jobs and the gig economy are no longer anomalies; they are becoming the norm. Flexibility and autonomy, once considered perks, are now central pillars of modern work culture.

As Soumya Vadavi and Chandrasekaran Sharmiladevi explain, “The structure of an economy is dynamic … changes in the structure of jobs are the net result of changes in demand and productivity.” The evolution of the economy from agrarian to industrial to service-based sectors has blurred the once-clear boundaries between professional and personal life. This, in turn, has complicated the legal determination of when an employee is acting within the course and scope of their employment, which is critical in assigning employer liability.

For example, remote work has rendered the concept of a fixed workplace nearly obsolete. Work now occurs in homes, co-working spaces or even across countries, raising questions about jurisdiction, supervision and employer responsibility. Gig and platform-based work presents further complexities. Determining whether a worker is an employee or an independent contractor often hinges on vague factors such as control, economic dependence or integration into the business. The rise of AI and automation compounds this further, redefining job descriptions and introducing new tasks that may fall outside traditional employee duties. Additionally, the use of personal devices and remote networks introduces heightened concerns around data security and privacy issues that conventional employment law is not fully equipped to handle.

These changes have legal implications, particularly concerning the “course and scope” of employment, which is a central doctrine to determining employer liability for acts committed by employees. Historically, courts have interpreted this concept through the lens of employer control and the direct furtherance of the employer’s business. If employees were deemed to be acting within the scope of their duties, the employer could be held vicariously liable for their actions. But when an employee was engaged in what courts have termed a “frolic of their own” or personal pursuits unrelated to their job, the employer would not bear responsibility. An important consideration is that the abandonment-mismanagement rule holds that an employer may still be vicariously liable if an employee, while participating in a personal frolic, partially performs their work duties, thus effectively committing a simultaneous act and omission.

These distinctions, already intricate, are increasingly difficult to apply in the modern world. There are a number of essential questions to be considered. For example, how should courts assess the scope of employment when work is asynchronous, occurring across time zones and digital platforms? What happens when employees alternate between professional and personal tasks at the same time while working from home? How should algorithmic supervision and AI tools factor into evaluations of employer control?

These questions underscore the need for a more dynamic and context-sensitive framework for interpreting the scope of employment — one that reflects the fluidity of modern work rather than clinging to the static definitions of the past.

Equally urgent is the question of who qualifies as an employee. Traditional labour laws were designed with clear, stable employment relationships in mind. But in the gig economy, where many workers straddle the line between contractor and employee, these laws often fall short. If left unaddressed, this legal ambiguity could allow employers to shirk responsibilities around fair compensation, social protection, and worker benefits, undermining the principles of fairness and dignity that labour law seeks to uphold.

Balancing flexibility — a key value for many modern workers — with the employer’s need for accountability, productivity, and oversight is no small feat. It requires a recalibration of the legal system. As Mpedi aptly observes: “Historically, the law has been a largely reactive tool. But, in the age of AI, it cannot remain so.” The legal system must become anticipatory, not merely responsive. It must evolve in tandem with the digital transformation it seeks to regulate.

This means revisiting — and in many cases, redefining — fundamental legal concepts such as “employee”, “employer”, “work”, “workplace” and “scope of employment”. Policymakers must also ensure that the rights and protections afforded to traditional employees extend to gig and platform workers, who increasingly constitute a significant portion of the labour force.

Just as nature adapts to survive, so must the law. As we conclude in our book on AI and the Law: “A meaningful subject in our conversations is the necessity for a flexible legal framework capable of adjusting to the rapid progress of AI advancement. Conventional legal ideas and laws created for a world centred on humans frequently prove inadequate when applied to AI.”

If we are to meet the challenges — and seize the opportunities — of the fourth industrial revolution, we must embrace a Darwinian mindset: adapt or risk obsolescence. The future of employment is already here. The law must now catch up.

Letlhokwa George Mpedi is the vice-chancellor and principal of the University of Johannesburg. Tshilidzi Marwala is the rector of the United Nations University and UN under-secretary-general. The authors’ latest book on this subject is Artificial Intelligence and the Law (Palgrave Macmillan, 2024).

Stewardship — keeping what we have in trust for our children — lies at the heart of  sustainability, and Africa must tell its own story in its own voice. 

This was the message from a panel discussion hosted by Nelson Mandela University’s (NMU’s) Mandela Institute for Sustainable Futures (MISF) earlier this month, which explored how sustainability can be framed in an African context. 

The event brought together thought leaders from South Africa and Nigeria, who emphasised that African solutions must be indigenous, inclusive and innovative. 

In his keynote address, Professor Bheki Mngomezulu, director of the Centre for the Advancement of Non-Racialism and Democracy at NMU, highlighted Africa’s rich resources and the need to redefine sustainability through African epistemologies, or ways of knowing. 

“A subject like history should be reintroduced — we relegated it to oblivion. In 1994 we had the  opportunity to commission books and we squandered it,” he said, calling for African-centred books to be commissioned to trace African inventions. 

He was critical of both colonial legacies and post-colonial African leadership failures. “Africans are thinking but not implementing — we should have progressed much faster but we cannot blame the West for all of our wrongs,” he said. 

“How do we shift the narrative that Africans have to catch up?” he asked, stressing that African leaders needed to take responsibility and work collaboratively with academics to address sustainability issues. 

But he cautioned that research should not be conducted purely for the sake of research; it had to be in service of society. 

The conversation underscored the power of narrative in changing attitudes, advocating for pan Africanist intentionality and the celebration of African achievements. 

From Nigeria, Dr Nneka Okekearu, director of the Enterprise Development Centre at Pan-Atlantic University, echoed this, saying that Africa’s sustainability story must remain true to its roots while looking to the future. 

Her key takeaways were: 

• Africa has always been sustainable; our roots run deep. 

• Entrepreneurs are our changemakers; turning ideas into action. 

• Inclusion matters; everyone has a role to play. 

• Innovation is local; homegrown solutions are thriving. 

• Circular is the future; waste less, do more. 

• Tell our story; Africa’s voice, Africa’s way. 

• You are the movement; build it together. 

“Let us celebrate local success stories, scale what is working and share South Africa’s unique voice globally,” she said, stressing the importance of youth and women’s empowerment and the circular economy. 

She also gave inspiring examples of African-led sustainable entrepreneurship. These include: 

Chioma Ogbudimkpa, founder and creative director of Redbutton, is a sustainable women’s fashion brand that fuses African aesthetics, local materials and art to create apparel using yarns made from the invasive water hyacinth. 

Amara Nwuneli has transformed a landfill in Lagos into a youth-led, community-based  recycling initiative. 

Ecotutu is a Nigerian start-up that provides solar-powered food storage for farmers using sustainable cooling technology. 

“Africa’s entrepreneurs are our changemakers,” she said. 

Dr Mia Strand, a postdoctoral research fellow with NMU’s Institute for Coastal and Marine Research, challenged participants to centre African ways of knowing in ocean conservation and sustainability. 

She highlighted the legacies of colonialism in conservation, which often silenced indigenous voices and imposed external models. 

“How can we centre ubuntu and communalism in ocean sustainability? How do we make sure we do not reproduce and reinforce coloniality?” she asked. 

She made a strong call for global cognitive justice, noting: “It is important that this process is African-led — the United Nations sustainable development goal 14, Life Below Water, is not a one-size-fits-all situation, and consideration must be given to specific context. 

“What and whose research, methods and knowledges are we including, and not including?

“How do we come together to make this an inclusive process, to ensure that it is actually informed  by African ways of knowing and being with the ocean, and connecting with the ocean?” 

The panel, facilitated by Dr Shashi Cullinan Cook, said that framing sustainability in Africa demanded more than just replicating global frameworks. It called for intentional, African-led visioning, inclusion of indigenous knowledge and empowerment of local communities to take  ownership of their sustainable future.

This article looks at the treatment of acid mine drainage (AMD) in South Africa and the recent Central Basin decant in Boksburg Lake and compares it with a best practice example in Japan. It demonstrates how environment, social and governance (ESG) practices are relevant to transform the way governments and businesses operate. 

In 2002, the public learnt about acid mine drainage (AMD) when it occurred in the West Rand near Krugersdorp, Gauteng. This led to serious concerns about the effect of mining on the environment. 

Additional concerns arose about the government’s response to AMD from a policy perspective. During that time only an inter-ministerial committee document of 2010 on AMD existed. 

Shortly after, the AMD Emergency Works Project was implemented, and the short-term treatment of AMD commenced in the three basins of the Witwatersrand (as per the IMC document) from 2012 to 2016.

My research from 2011 to 2017 found that the evolving policy response and social dynamics of AMD were not sufficiently synchronised to deal with similar predicaments in the future. 

In 2017, the first draft of the Mine Water Management Policy surfaced and was approved in 2022. This policy sets the tone for the desirable management of mine water in South Africa but envisions that treated AMD will contribute to South Africa’s water dilemma only by 2040. Thus, a long-term treatment does not exist and in the interim, potential decanting is possible, further affecting communities and the environment. 

In June 2025, the media reported that the central basin had decanted and the water in Boksburg Lake was not being fit for use. But it’s those very people who are dependent on the water who may not heed to the warning, let alone know about it. 

Several initiatives (such as the National Water and Sanitation Master Plan, the National Integrated Water Security Framework and the Vaal Anti-Pollution Forum) have surfaced to address the serious water crisis in South Africa. The government has put forward the importance of partnerships, that of the private sector and stakeholder participation. But pivotal to these partnerships is the involvement of communities to achieve environmental sustainability. 

The master plan identifies key actions in the water sector and provides the roles and responsibilities of all stakeholders such as the three tiers of government and the private sector. 

Japanese example

Japan’s island of Teshima provides a best practice example of how governments, businesses and communities can work in partnership towards environmental sustainability.

In the 1970s, almost a million tonnes of toxic waste was dumped by a company on the western end of the island and open air burning began, harming the community of Teshima. The Kagawa Prefecture (equivalent to local government) certified that the waste was unharmful and provided the authorisation for the disposal. The company had sought the permit under the pretence of earthworm farming. 

In 1990, the Hyogo Prefectural Police started investigating the concerns raised by the public and exposed the company for violating the Waste Management Act and the illegal dumping stopped. Massive amounts of waste were left on Teshima. 

The Kagawa Prefecture was of the view that the waste was not classified incorrectly, no impact would be inflicted on the environment and treatment of the waste was not required. 

In 1993, resident movements were formed and the Teshima community applied for a pollution conciliation for the waste to be removed. In 2000 an agreement was reached to have the waste removed. The Environmental Disputes Coordination Commission took measures of the landfill site due to the environmental risks not being immediately present. 

In the 1980s Japan adopted a “pollution must be covered up and hidden” approach. After an almost two-decade long rehabilitation process, this has led to tighter laws and increased fines for illegal waste disposal. 

This is one of Japan’s most dreadful cases and yet one of its biggest victories in terms of environmental justice. The residents suffered for more than 40 years. The cost of the disposal was 80 billion yen (R9 billion), funded by public funds, the prefectural government and the national government. 

In Teshima the biodiversity is not restored to its natural state and enhancing tourism of the island will take time, but the residents are committed to playing a contributory role, which in essence depicts environmental sustainability. 

Teshima draws similarities with the Grootvlei Mine. Grootvlei had their water-use licence renewed and revoked over a period of years because of non-compliance and was a major contributor of AMD. Similarly, public funds are used for the environmental rehabilitation process. 

Japan is an example of a well-established state and South Africa is still developing, and criticism can stem from such a comparison. But Japan and South Africa are part of the G20, which aims to bring together the world’s major developed and developing economies to discuss global economic and social issues. 

The key takeaway from the comparison is the importance of communities for environmental justice and ultimately environmental sustainability. We have similar strong-willed communities in South Africa. Disadvantaged communities are victims of AMD residual. 

As we aim for environmental sustainability in South Africa, the answers are closer than we think. Communities are critical stakeholders — the residents and the employees.

Embedding ESG in business operations can only be done if employees are involved in the process and there is a shared vision for success. 

Investors use ESG frameworks to assess a company’s sustainability efforts and societal impact. 

Investors are more likely to invest in Japan because of past success stories such as Teshima, which the community was at the forefront of. The same can be adopted in South Africa. If the government is really working towards a sustainable environment and businesses are really considering being ESG driven, or implementing the long-term solution to AMD by 2040 as policy evolves, such partnerships are essential. 

Dr Suvania Naidoo is an author and an NRF Y rated researcher. The information provided on Teshima comes from her time spent in Japan, Setouchi Olive Foundation documentation, a site visit to Teshima and presentations from researchers at Okayama University. A version of this article was previously published in Mining Weekly.

The presence of anti-retroviral (ARV) residues in drinking water may be “harmless”  —prolonged exposure to the broader population may lead to antimicrobial resistance, said the Water Research Commission (WRC) and the department of water and sanitation. 

Last week, the Mail & Guardian reported on a study by North-West University, which found that significant concentrations of ARVs have been detected in South Africa’s water sources, particularly downstream of wastewater treatment plants.

Current wastewater treatment processes are inadequate for removing these bioactive compounds, underlining the need for technological advancements, the authors said.

The drugs most frequently detected were lopinavir and efavirenz, with concentrations at some sites far exceeding global norms. South Africa has the most extensive HIV treatment programme of its kind in the world.

Aquatic ecosystems and wastewater management systems were affected. Freshwater snails exposed to ARVs exhibited altered embryonic development, while bacteriophages — viruses critical to controlling bacteria in wastewater treatment — were significantly affected. Such disruptions could lead to bacterial blooms and reduced water quality, the authors said.

“The consumption of any type of exogenous drug by any organism in sufficient quantities may intervene with the regulation of metabolic systems and bring about adverse effects,” said the study, warning that the presence of antiretrovirals in water “can be considered a hidden or latent risk”.

“Humans are also exposed to these compounds via drinking water, and at concentrations exceeding calculated hazard quotients,” the authors said. “Although not found in this study, humans and other organisms may potentially ingest antiretrovirals and their breakdown products via aquatic organisms such as fish.”

Concentrations of ARVs in some water sources exceeded acceptable thresholds, posing potential long-term health risks to people. 

Nearly all antiretrovirals were found in natural systems and some in drinking water, although none were found in the fish tissue samples, nor were antiretroviral metabolites found. 

Since early 2000, the WRC, along with local and international partner research organisations, has commissioned several studies on the presence of contaminants of emerging concern (CEC) in water resources and drinking water. 

Its research has focused on CECs such as microplastics, chemicals, and pharmaceuticals that could potentially pose risks to human health and the environment. These studies inform the water quality guidelines and regulations issued by the department.

One of the studies related to ARVs was undertaken by the University of North West. “As reported in the media, the study found traces of ARVs in water samples taken from rivers and potable water sources, the joint statement said.

“This can be attributed to the pharmacological process where the active part of the medication is absorbed by the body, leaving the residual to be discharged from the body, subsequently finding its way into the sewage system. These traces of ARVs can then also be present in water that has been extracted from the rivers by municipalities to be treated and supplied as potable water.”

Globally, CECs are increasingly recognised as a concern for water quality, especially in wastewater and reclaimed wastewater for potable reuse, as well as agricultural water uses. 

“However, CECs are a relatively new area of research globally, particularly relating to the causes and effects of CEC, the human health risks, treatment methods to remove CECs, and potential regulatory measures that can be taken to address the problem.”

The WRC research has focused on increasing understanding of the sources, pathways, and potential effects of CECs on water resources.

The South African National Standard SANS241 for water quality is based on World Health Organisation standards, ensuring that the human health risks are mitigated, said the statement. This has enabled the department to implement the blue and green drop programmes to provide information to the public on the performance of municipal water and wastewater systems relative to SANS241.

“The traces of pharmaceuticals, microplastics and other such CECs that have been found in water resources in South Africa are very small quantities, measured in nanograms (one billionth of a gram). Conventional water and wastewater treatment technologies are designed to remove much larger contaminants such as particles of faeces and bacteria.”

Higher concentrations of traces of ARVs were found downstream of wastewater treatment plants, which means that the municipal wastewater treatment works are not removing them, “because most existing wastewater treatment works have not been designed to remove CECs. 

“Low concentrations of ARVs were found in some of the drinking water samples. There is a possibility that high concentrations of ARVs in sewage or municipal wastewater might reduce the effectiveness of the wastewater treatment works in removing bacteria from the wastewater. Further research is required in this regard.”

The WRC and the department said that there is limited knowledge of environmental toxicity, potential adverse effects on ecosystems and viral resistance of these compounds. “CECs in water is a growing global problem and area of attention around the world.

“Globally, the level of CEC compounds in water is generally not yet regulated. This is partly due to their presence often being below water quality detection limits. However, due to their continuous production, lack of appropriate disposal, constant input into the environment and presence in water resources, albeit in small concentrations, there is now increasing global research into the issue.”

Rand Water said it has been monitoring ARVs since 2015. “Rand Water, like other research institutions, detected ARVs in the natural waters located downstream of wastewater treatment plants.”

The bulk water services provider abstracts water from the Vaal Dam, which is located upstream of these wastewater treatment plants. “Rand Water has not detected ARVs at the point of abstraction in the Vaal Dam and concomitantly in any of its treated final drinking water.”

“Rand Water assures the public that drinking water remains safe for human consumption.

Rand Water, as the remains committed to protecting the health of consumers by providing potable water that complies with SANS241 standards and safe for human consumption.”

For the study, North-West University sampled water upstream and downstream of wastewater treatment plants — specifically Sunderland Ridge, Vlakplaats, Waterval, Olifantsfontein River, Welgedacht, Zeekoegat, Flip Human and Baragwanath — in northern and southern Gauteng. Sampling sites included the Jukskei, Hennops, Klip and Crocodile rivers. The Mooi River, which is close to Khutsong in North West and downstream of Wonderfonteinspruit in Gauteng, was also sampled. 

The most frequently detected compound was fluconazole (28 detections from 72 samples), with concentrations ranging from 0.06 to 1.8 μg/L (micrograms per litre). Nevirapine and efavirenz were the second-most detected compounds, both with 22 out of 72 samples. On average, lopinavir and efavirenz had the highest concentrations of the compounds analysed. Didanosine and zidovudine were the least detected compounds — two and six out of 72.

Jessica Alba appears to be enjoying her summer after filing for divorce from her estranged husband, Cash Warren.

Alba, 44, sparked romance rumors after she was spotted boarding a plane headed back to Los Angeles from Cancun with “Captain America” star Danny Ramirez, TMZ reported. The outlet reported that the two spent time together in the sun-soaked town.

Despite the reported quick getaway, sources told People magazine that Alba isn’t dating anyone seriously, and is instead relishing in her new role as a single woman months after the “Honey” actress petitioned a Los Angeles court to end her 16-year marriage.

JESSICA ALBA EMBRACES SELF-CARE AND SUMMER VIBES IN BIKINI PHOTOS

In video obtained by TMZ, Ramirez, 32, and the “Fantastic Four” actress both attempted to go incognito by wearing snapback hats as they left Mexico for L.A. on Sunday afternoon. 

JESSICA ALBA SHOWS OFF NEW TATTOO FOLLOWING SPLIT WITH HUSBAND CASH WARREN

Upon arrival in the City of Angels, Alba and Ramirez walked closely together as they were escorted through a private terminal by a security guard.

Alba and Ramirez’s representatives did not immediately respond to Fox News Digital’s request for comment.

Ramirez portrayed Lt. Mickey “Fanboy” Garcia in “Top Gun: Maverick,” and played Falcon in “Captain America: Brave New World.” 

He’ll reprise his Marvel character for “Avengers: Doomsday,” which also stars Robert Downey Jr., Pedro Pascal and Chris Hemsworth.

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Alba has reportedly been on a few dates since announcing her split from Warren in February, insiders told People.

“She’s been getting a lot of attention since the divorce. She’s flattered and definitely enjoying being single again,” sources said. 

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“She’s gone on some dates, but it’s nothing serious — she’s focused on herself and her kids. She’s not interested in a relationship right now.”

The mother-of-three is “excited” to dive back into work, and will soon begin filming “The Mark” in Australia with Orlando Bloom, who recently ended his engagement with Katy Perry.

“She’s in a great place. She’s excited to get back to filming. She’s doing what she loves and keeping her circle tight,” the source told People.

In January, the Honest Co. founder announced her split from Warren after 20 years together.

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“I’ve been on a journey of self realization and transformation for years – both as an individual and in partnership with Cash,” she wrote on Instagram. 

“I’m proud of how we’ve grown as a couple and in our marriage over the last 20 years and it’s now time for us to embark on a new chapter of growth and evolution as individuals.”

She added, “We are moving forward with love and kindness and respect for each other and will forever be family. Our children remain our highest priority and we request privacy at this time.”

Alba and Warren met on the set of “Fantastic Four” in 2004 and tied the knot in 2008.

In the divorce petition filed in February and obtained by Fox News Digital, the pair requested joint custody of their three children — Honor, 16; Haven, 13; and Hayes, 7.

A former intern for New York City Democratic mayoral candidate Zohran Mamdani appeared in a resurfaced video calling activism “jihad” while encouraging protesters to get suspended or arrested in defiance of “settler colonialism.”

The footage of Hadeeqa Malik shows her calling out Muslims who haven’t taken to the streets. 

“The true believer knows that none of this is in vain, that this is all Jihad,” said Malik in the recently resurfaced video, using the Muslim term for holy war. 

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“So, the conversation of doxing, the conversation of getting arrested and suspended, I think it’s time for Muslims to start to say, ‘All right, all right, so what? Do what you want. I’m going to do what I got to do,'” she added. 

Malik served as a communications, outreach, policy, and constituent services intern at Mamdani’s state Assembly office during the summer of 2024. 

A photo shows the pair smiling for a selfie. Her profile also said she recently began work as an outreach coordinator for the Counsel on American-Islamic Relations, or CAIR. 

She also served as the president of City College of New York chapter for Students for Justice in Palestine from June 2024 to June 2025, her profile states. 

UNEARTHED MAMDANI COLLEGE NEWSPAPER WRITINGS PROMOTE ANTI-ISRAEL BOYCOTT, RAIL AGAINST ‘WHITE PRIVILEGE’

Over the more than two-hour video during a webinar, Malik responded to concerns about protesters possibly getting doxed, suspended and arrested.

“How gangster are you?” she asked. “And I know everybody has their own families and has an education and everything. It’s just a question.”

She noted that getting suspended or doxed is “bound to happen… when you’re doing something for the sake of Allah here in the West it will never, ever be in vain, and the true believer does not fear that.”

In another video, Malik was seen screaming at a reportedly Muslim New York police officer at an anti-Israel protest. 

“Let’s read the badges of the pigs,” she said, as she read the names of the officers aloud. The composed Muslim officer was singled out as she appeared to say he brought shame on his name.  

“To the pigs who can call themselves by the name of Islam, put some respect on their names!” she said. 

Fox News Digital has reached out to Mamdani’s campaign and attempted to reach out to Malik.

Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, R., scored a victory on Friday when the state of Florida’s university system approved a new accreditor to overhaul higher education.

Florida, Texas, Georgia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Tennessee formed the Commission for Public Higher Education, a consortium of six public universities offering a new accreditation model. Florida’s Board of Governors approved the creation of the Commission for Public Higher Education at their latest meeting on July 11.

“The Commission for Public Higher Education is a consortium of six public university systems that are committed to streamlining accreditation standards and prioritizing student outcomes. It will be an accreditation model created by public universities for public colleges and universities,” a spokesperson for the board told Fox News Digital.

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The Commission will create a “first-of-its-kind accreditation model for public higher education institutions that will offer high-quality, efficient services prioritizing academic excellence, student outcomes and achievement.”

DeSantis said during a press conference at Florida Atlantic University that there was a need for “alternative accreditation.”

“The accreditors are telling them they have to do these things,” he said. “So, when we said, ‘No DEI,’ the accreditors are telling these universities, ‘No, no, no, you’re not going to get accredited unless you do DEI.’ Who the heck are they to say what our universities have to do? They’re telling them they can’t follow state law? Are you kidding me? Nobody elected them to make that judgment at all.” 

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA PRESIDENTIAL PICK REJECTED BY STATE BOARD OF GOVERNORS OVER PAST DEI SUPPORT

“What we’ve seen develop is an accreditation cartel and the accreditors by-and-large are all singing from the same sheet of music, and it’s not what the state of Florida wants to see reflected in its universities in many different respects,” he continued.

A Department of Education spokesperson in June directed Fox News Digital to President Donald Trump’s executive order issued in April that called for accountability and reform to the accreditation process in higher education after claiming that past accrediting bodies “abused their enormous authority.” 

The executive order cited accredited institutions offering “undergraduate and graduate programs with a negative return on investment” and compelling the “adoption of discriminatory ideology, rather than on student outcomes” in order to access federal aid.

DeSantis said the members of the new accrediting body have been working with the Department of Education to expedite the process of acquiring approval from the federal government.

“The Business Plan provides the mission and goals of CPHE and outlines the upcoming work for the entity to receive approval as a recognized institutional accreditor from the U.S. Department of Education,” the spokesperson told Fox News Digital.

The Department of Education did not immediately respond to Fox News Digital‘s request for comment.

The old adage goes: Where there is smoke, there is fire. And the metaphorical smoke billowed during the first day of SEC Media Days on Monday around college football legend Nick Saban.

Rumors about Saban returning to the sport he left more than a year ago ramped up.

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Former Alabama Crimson Tide quarterback Greg McElroy brought some of the rumors into the atmosphere during an interview on the “Mac and Cube” radio show in Birmingham.

“A very much in-the-know person that I have a lot of respect for and have spent a lot of time around and just really, really admire, they seem to think Nick Saban is not done coaching,” McElroy said. “He’s pretty adamant that he thinks Nick Saban will be coaching again.”

McElroy did say he believed, personally, Saban was finished during an appearance on ESPN.

“I’d be shocked (if he came back). … There are people connected to the sports world that think he’s not done. Now, interpret that however you will. People that would be somewhat knowledgeable about something like this, yes,” he said.

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Ole Miss Rebels head coach Lane Kiffin said he believed Saban will be back on the sidelines — whether it’s in college football or the pros.

“He’s not going to need me to hire him,” Kiffin said, via the Clarion Ledger. “I don’t think he’s done. I think he’ll be back. Whether that’s college or NFL I think he’ll be back.”

LSU Tigers head coach Brina Kelly seemed to be all for Saban coming back to the sport.

“It’d be better for college football if Nick Saban is coaching,” he said, via On3 Sports. “Period. There’s nobody better to develop players and certainly build championship programs.”

Saban left Alabama after several national championships. He suggested the advent of name, image and likeness and the lawlessness of the transfer portal were the reasons why he stepped away from the sport.

It’s unclear whether Saban would entertain the idea of a return. 

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